Often lost in the whirl of stories about conflict and misery
in Africa is the tragic situation that continues to unroll in the Central
African Republic. There the state has slid downhill for a decade into ineffectiveness
and turmoil. So much so that today the CAR is arguably the continent’s leading
failed state. It is a distinction that
no one would seek, least of all the citizens of the nation, most all of whom
are victims of ineptitude, lassitude, violence and neglect. Rule of law is feeble in the CAR. Bandit
gangs of thugs, linked to the rebel movement Seleka that put current leader
Michel Djotodia in power have looted their way from east to west, including pillaging the capital city
of Bangui. Their latest predations in
the northwest, home areas both to ousted president Bozize and his predecessor
Patasse, have taken an especially vicious turn resulting in massacres of entire
villages. Hundreds of thousands of people are on the run crowding
into makeshift camps where food, sanitation and security are minimal. Violence is driven by tribalism, political
hatreds, vengeance and religion. The
religious element is pernicious because when predominately Moslem Seleka
fighters confront largely Christian communities and meet resistance the specter
of more widespread religious conflict grows.
Indeed it is this threat that has aroused the international community to
greater awareness. In recent weeks both
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon and French Foreign Minister Fabius have each decried
the growing tide of violence, which Fabius described as “on the verge of
genocide.” They promised a vigorous response.
Blame for the
catastrophe can be parceled out internally, regionally and internationally. First
internally, the central government has been so inept and corrupt during the
past decade that citizens longed for the days of Bokassa’s empire, when at
least one could travel safely and send the kids to school. Similarly, the promise of democracy,
accountability and progress generated by free elections in 1993 was never
realized. Nascent institutions never developed.
New President Patasse reverted to cronyism and tribal politics to rule. Then violence from a collapsing Democratic
Republic of the Congo spilled across the border accentuating internal divisions
and leading to Francois Bozize’s coup d’etat in 2003. Bozize’s hold on power
was tenuous and the government’s authority continued to erode. By the late 2000s the combination of
economic decline, an ineffective, bankrupt and corrupt central government, and
nationwide insecurity rendered Bozize vulnerable. In efforts to shore up his position, Bozize appointed
a prime minister from the main line opposition and cut a deal for integration
into the power structure with a political/rebel coalition from the east dubbed
Seleka, a deal he repeatedly reneged upon.
Thus feeling betrayed,
Seleka recruited, mobilized and marched
to Bangui where it took power in March 2013.
Rebel chief Michel Djotodia, a Moslem from the northeast, became chief
of state.
Historically African leaders have adopted hands-off policies
towards their neighbors, but a regional consortium of states, led by Gabon, has
maintained a small military force in CAR for years. Authorized by the OAU/AU and recognized by
the UN, it was particularly helpful in quelling violence during the early 2000s
in Bangui, nonetheless, the force never
had the heft - politically or militarily
- to legitimize government or referee squabbles, so essentially it just
extended the crises. Just as conflict
and fighters spilled over from the Congo, troubles in Sudan and Chad (not to
mention the Lord’s Resistance Army from Uganda) also impacted upon the
CAR. A portion of Seleka combatants are
former Darfurian or Chadian militiamen, now mercenaries. They are Moslem and
foreign and as such have little sympathy or empathy for Christian villagers.
The Central African Republic, formerly the territory of Ubangi-Chari,
was a French colony. Over the years France assumed responsibilities for the
land, including peace and security.
French soldiers were based in the CAR and French advisors patronizingly financed
and oversaw government operations. The
French/Central African relationship began to fray, however, when Ange Patasse
was elected president in 1993. Central Africans
wanted to stand on their own and France was reconsidering and reducing its responsibilities
throughout Africa. Thus during the
turbulent last twenty years in the CAR, France - while always present in some
form or other - exerted much less influence and exercised little control. Other powers, especially the United States,
essentially pursued policies of neglect.
They trusted neighboring governments and the United Nations to handle
problems. However, the problems were
too big for the resources and the commitments available, so the CAR stagnated
and slipped inevitably into the vortex of violence where it now resides.
So what happens
next? Chief of State, Michel Djotodia is
not recognized as “president” by his neighbors, but only as a caretaker pending
a 2015 election (never count an incumbent out, but Djotodia, a Moslem from a
minority eastern tribe could never win a free and fair election). Meanwhile he says he has disbanded Seleka,
therefore diffusing even further what control he might have over its combatants
and leaving unchecked the reign of terror in the northwest. His government, although headed by reputable
lawyer Nicolas Tiangaye, is constrained by lack of resources. Its writ rarely
writes.
Pursuant to United nations Security Council discussions in
late November, a bigger more powerful
Peace Keeping force will be assembled for the CAR. Meanwhile France has
increased its troop presence to 1200 in the capital, one hopes in anticipation
of participation in the UN force. But if nothing else the increase sends a
message to Djotodia, Seleka and the nation that the international community
will again engage. It is encouraging to
see French leadership again regarding the CAR.
As for the U.S., its policy of minimal involvement continues apace. Deputy Assistant Secretary for Africa,
Ambassador Robert Jackson told the Congress on November 19 that the U.S. would
provide assistance to the African Union force, would maintain humanitarian
operations and would continue to cooperate with France, the UN and the African
Union in pushing for reduction in violence and re-establishment of
security. That is diplomatic speak for
not much. Even though the U.S. has interests in
protecting Americans, re-establishing regional stability and security,
promoting democracy and human rights and capturing Lord’s Resistance Army chief
Joseph Kony, the U.S. embassy in Bangui
is closed and not expected to re-open.
The best possible outcome in the next few months would be
insertion of a French supported Chapter VII UN Peace Keeping operation with a
mandate to pacify the nation. Should
security be achieved, the next step would be to revive competent government
from Bangui outwards and thus begin the agonizing process of reconstruction and
advancement. Accomplishment of these
objectives has to be a partnership among all the parties - domestic and
international alike. Sierra Leone and
Liberia provide examples of how failed states can be resurrected. The Central African Republic now needs that
opportunity.
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